Monday, April 30, 2012

राज़दार

राज़दार
आप जब से मेरे दिल के राज़दार हुए
हम आपकी सोहबत के तलबगार हुए
निगाह-ए-खास ने खैर मकदूम भी कर दिया
आलम-ए-मसलहत के आसार हुए

सजदा-ए-इश्क में उल्फत का कलमा पढने को
हम मीर, ग़ालिब 'औ'  शहरयार हुए

ख़याल-ए-शब-ए-वस्ल से तबियत मचल गयी
और कुछ इरादे भी नमूदार हुए

ग़म-ए-तन्हाई में मौत की चाहत थी मुझे
आप आब-ए-हयात, तीमारदार हुए.

Sunday, April 1, 2012

दिलचस्प कहानी मेरी

दिलचस्प कहानी मेरी
दिलचस्प जवानी मेरी
दिलचस्प ज़िन्दगी की
दिलचस्प रवानी मेरी

दिलचस्प मोहब्बत तेरी
दिलचस्प निशानी मेरी

दिलचस्प बज़्म तेरी
दिलचस्प वीरानी मेरी

दिलचस्प जलवे तेरे
दिलचस्प हैरानी मेरी

दिलचस्प सोहबत तेरी 
दिलचस्प नादानी मेरी

Thursday, March 22, 2012

RED SALUTE




RED SALUTE
 “Bhagat Singh became a symbol, the act (Saunder’s killing) was forgotten, the symbol remained and within a few months, each town and village of Punjab and to a lesser extent, the rest of India resounded with his name. Innumerable songs grew about him and the popularity that the man achieved was something amazing.”
                                                            -Jawahar Lal Nehru in his Autobiography.

Bhagat was born to Kishan Singh and Vidyavati at Banga in the Lyallpur district of the West Punjab in 1907. On completion of his primary education at the village school at Banga, Bhagat Singh was sent to the D.A.V. College at Lahore. Here he came under the influence of two teachers who were veteran nationalists and who left an indelible impression on Bhagat Singh’s mind. He became the leader of the student community but in response to the non-cooperation call of Gandhi, left the D.A.V. College and later joined the National College founded by Lala Lajpat Rai, from where he graduated in 1923. From 1923 to the time of his execution in 1931, Bhagat Singh worked for the liberation of his motherland.
Two movements played a dominant part in the history of Indian independence-the peaceful movement led by Tilak and Mahatma Gandhi and the revolutionary movement led by Savarkar, Aurobindo Ghosh and Bhagat Singh. Bhagat Singh’s throwing of a bomb in the Central Assembly and his revolutionary activities aroused equally powerful feelings against the British rule as much as those aroused by the non-resistance movement and the peaceful Satyagrah.
On 8th April 1929, the discussion on the Public Safety Bill and the Trade Disputes Bill took place in the Central Assembly. When the voting was over, there was a thundering explosion followed by emission of smoke. Despite of having opportunity to run away Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt stood like a rock at their places and started raising revolutionary slogans (Inquilab Zindabad) and throwing leaflets in the Central Hall. Ultimately, they got arrested. The trial in the Sessions Court started in the first week of June, 1929. Once the prosecution evidence had been completed, Bhagat Singh felt that the stage had been reached when he should make a detailed statement on behalf of their cause. That historic statement was read out to the court by Asaf Ali on behalf of Bhagat Singh and Dutt on 6th June.  
The statement read: “We stand charged with certain serious offences, and at this stage it is but right that we must explain our conduct. In this connection the following questions arise:
         “Were the bombs thrown into the chamber, and if so, why? Is the charge as framed by the lower court, correct or otherwise?
“To the first half of the first question, our reply is in the affirmative but since some of the so-called ‘eye witnesses’ have perjured themselves and since we are not denying our liability to that extent, let our statement about them be judged for what it is worth. By way of an illustration, we may point out that the evidence of Sergeant Terry, regarding the seizure of the pistol from one of us, is a deliberate falsehood, for neither of us had the pistol at the time we gave ourselves up. The other witnesses, too, have deposed to having seen bombs being thrown by us have no scruples to tell lies. This fact has its own moral for those who aim at judicial purity and fair play.”
“The bomb was necessary to awaken England from her dreams. We dropped the bomb on the floor of the Assembly chamber to register our protest on behalf of those who had no other means left to give expression to their heart-rending agony. Our sole purpose was to make deaf hear and give the heedless a timely warning. Others have as keenly felt as we have done and from such seeming stillness of the sea of Indian humanity, a veritable storm is about to break out. We have only hoisted the Danger Signal’ to warn those who are speeding along without heeding to the grave dangers ahead. We have only marked the end of an era of Utopian non-violence of whose futility the rising generation has been convinced beyond the shadow of doubt”
Disagreeing with the policy of non-violence, its futility and justifying the use of force, the statement continued:
“Force used in the furtherance of a legitimate cause had its moral justification. The elimination of force at all costs is Utopian and the new movement which has arisen in the country and of whose dawn we have given a warning is inspired by the ideals which Guru Gobind Singh and Shivaji, Kamal Pasha and Reza Khan, Washington and Garibaldi, Lafayette and Lenin preached.”
“We bear no personal grudge or malice against anyone of those who received the slight injuries or against any other persons in the Assembly. On the contrary, we repeat that we hold human lives sacred beyond words and sooner lay down our own lives in the service of humanity than injure anyone else.”
Explaining the concept of revolution the statement read: “It was the only effective method of solving the great social problems of the times-the problem of bringing the economic and political independence to the workers and peasants, constituting the mass of the people.” The statement ended with the slogan, ‘Long Live the Revolution’.
Bhagat Singh and Dutt were found guilty under section 307, I.P.C. and the offence similarly punishable under section 3 of the Explosive Substances Act. Finally, both were sentenced to transportation for life.
No appeal was intended as it was known to be futile but with a view to using the High Court to further publicize their programme and to awaken the masses, Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt filed an appeal in the High Court. The appeal was heard by Justice Ford and Justice Addison. Asaf Ali argued it for two-and-a-half days. The public prosecutor replied to his arguments during the remaining half of the third day. But in between, as per the statement of Asaf Ali, Bhagat Singh also submitted arguments on his own behalf. As foreknown the appeal was rejected by the High Court on 13th Jan, 1930 and it concurred with the judgment of the Sessions Court.
While in jail, Bhagat Singh did not sit quiet; he laid a struggle for jail reforms to draw the attention of authorities to the despicable conditions in the jails and the treatment meted out to prisoners. While he was in jail, his trail in the Saunder’s murder case (Lahore conspiracy case, 1929, as it came to be known) also started in the court of the special magistrate. This was also held in the jail. It started on 10th July, 1929. In this case, 27 persons were involved. Out of 27, six were at large and could not be traced. Of the remaining 18, three were discharged under various sections. The remaining 15 including Phonindra Nath Ghosh and Bhagat Singh, were put on trail. Seven, viz. Ram Saran Das, Brahm Dutt, Jai Gopal, Manmohan Banerjee, Hansraj Vohra and Lalit Kumar Mukherjee turned approvers.
Bhagat Singh did not offer any defence during the trial. For him, the trial meant more a platform for propagating hs ideas for the country’s freedom than an occasion for saving his life. On 20th September, 1930, when it became evident that death sentence would be awarded to Bhagat Singh, Kishan Singh, his father, swayed by parental love and sentiments and made an attempt to save his son from the gallows. He submitted a petition to the Tribunal with a copy to the Viceroy of India asking for permission to read evidence to prove that Bhagat Singh was not in Lahore on the day of Saunder’s murder. He wanted to establish an alibi. When Bhagat Singh came to know of it he was furious. He would not hear of any such defence. He wrote to his father:
“I was astounded to learn you had submitted a petition to the members of the Special Tribunal in connection with my defence. This intelligence proved to be too severe a blow to be borne with equanimity. It has upset the whole equilibrium of my mind. I have not been able to understand how you could think it proper to submit such a petition at this stage and in these circumstances. In spite of all the sentiments and feelings of a father, I don’t think you were at all entitled to make such a move on behalf without even consulting me. You know that in the political field, my views have always differed with those of yours. I have always been acting independently, without having care for your approval or disapproval.”
Finally, Bhagat Singh was convicted under sections 121, 302 and 120(B) of the I.P.C. and under section 4(b) of the Explosive Substances Act read with section 6(f) of that Act. Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev were sent to the gallows on 23rd March, 1931. This happened when the Labour Government was in power in Great Britain. The Daily Worker of New York commented: “The three Lahore prisoners, Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev, fighters for the independence of India, have been executed by the British Labour Government in the interest of British imperialism. This is one of the bloodiest deeds ever undertaken by the British Labour Government, under the leadership of R. McDonald. The execution of the three Indian revolutionaries on the deliberate political frame-up on the orders of the Labour Government shows the length to which the McDonald regime will go to save British imperialism.”
Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, in a public speech made on 12th Oct, 1930 has this to say on the mock trial and the courage and sacrifice of Bhagat Singh: “………….Whether I agree with him or not, my heart is full of admiration for the courage and self-sacrifice of a man like Bhagat Singh. Courage of the Bhagat Singh type is exceedingly rare. If the Viceroy expects us to refrain from admiring this wonderful courage and high purpose behind it, he is mistaken. Let him ask his own heart what he would have felt if Bhagat Singh had been an Englishman and acted for England.”
 




         

Friday, February 17, 2012

मुफिलिसी के मारे हैं, बीमार बहुत हैं

मुफिलिसी के मारे हैं, बीमार बहुत हैं
दिल में अभी दर्द-ओ-गुबार बहुत हैं
रंज-ओ-ग़म से ज़िन्दगी नासाज हो गयी
हर मोड़ पर शिकश्त, लाचार बहुत हैं

मिल्कियत के नाम पर अब जां ही बाकी है
क़त्ल करने को मगर सरकार बहुत हैं

मसीहा कोई आये तो शायद ज़िन्दगी बदले
सुना है इस जहां में मददगार बहुत हैं

ग़म-ए-ग़ुरबत को मिटाने आगे आओ 'वत्स'
साथ अगर साथी हों दो-चार बहुत हैं

ग़ैर वाजिब तो नहीं हो, अगर हम भी कुछ बोलें
अपने भी मयानों में तलवार बहुत हैं.

Monday, February 13, 2012

GENERAL ESTOPPED


Few days back, Indian Chief of Army Staff, General V.K. Singh knocked the door of Supreme Court of India against the Union of India in respect of dispute regarding his birth year. The Court heard both the parties and offered an opportunity to the Chief to withdraw the petition. The Chief withdrew the petition. The Supreme Court made it clear that it cannot examine Chief’s matriculation certificate or SLC as evidence for the date of birth under Article 32 of the Constitution of India. On one hand the Court ruled in favour of the government but on the other hand its decision left the Chief with two years of birth. The Court found it incapable to determine the exact date of birth under Article 32. The technical reason behind this is that the Chief moved to the Supreme Court directly for determination of his date of birth. The Court found no alternative but to fall back on the procedure. Had Mr. V.K. Singh argued his case on matriculation certificate or SLC, he would have had to go to the civil court or to the Armed Forces Tribunal. Mr. Singh did not choose such route and approached Supreme Court directly. Therefore, in one sense it can be said that the matter has been resolved up to a certain extent.
In this very case of Chief versus Union of India, the Supreme Court invoked the principle of ‘estoppel’ which precludes a person from asserting something contrary to what is implied by a previous action or statement of that person. Since, Mr. V.K. Singh had accepted in 2008 and in 2009 that 1950 was his birth year, he could not now claim that was different from his previous acceptance of 1950 as his year of birth.
It was really unfortunate for a country like India where the Chief of Army Staff had to move to the Supreme Court against the Union of India to get the said dispute resolved. In fact, the government never tried to resolve the matter amicably out of the Court by maintaining the dignity and integrity of the Chief. The government adopted a stubborn view. Anyway, the controversy is over.

Sunday, February 12, 2012

Close Eye on Maldive Crisis


It is interesting to know that Mohamed Nasheed, ex President of Maldive claimed that he was forced to quit at gunpoint, while India failed to speculate such shifting of power in the neighboring country. Mohamed Waheed who acquired the power denied the claims of coup. Nasheed known as ‘Obama of the East’ adopted modernist outlook. In 2008, Nasheed defeated Abdul Gayoom in the general election to become President. Before Nasheed’s assumption, Gayoom ruled the country for almost three decades, by and large in autocratic way. Nevertheless, Gayoom always behaved with India in affable manner. Whereas, it is also true that Gayoom headed a religious right wing political party.
It is said that Nasheed tried to dominate Judiciary which has sympathetic view towards Islamic hardliners in certain matters. It may be the instant reason behind the power shifting. It is to be understood that Islamic orthodox forces may have supported the power shifting operation. These forces may play a very significant role in Maldive which may be hazardous for India’s interest in this region. Maldive is only 400km away from India towards south east, consisting of almost 1200 islands. Although, India sent its emissary to Male to keep its eyes closely to every development, it needs to be cautious. The good thing is that Indian Premier immediately talked to Mohamed Waheed and received warm and responsive gesture.
Notwithstanding all these assurances and past friendly relations, India must put its hawk eye on every development in Maldive.

CONGRATULATIONS!!!


7th February, 2012, has become a memorable date which deserves to be engraved on golden plate. On this very day Union minister of road transport and highways C.P. Joshi and Bihar CM Nitish Kumar jointly dedicated the ‘Mahasetu’ (built over the Kosi, the curse of Bihar) to the people. This bridge connects the two parts of Greater Mithila. This will take one from Madhubani to Supaul in less than two hours instead of the earlier ten hours. This bridge has come as a bonanza to the local people as it will certainly give a major boost to transportation, trade and commerce along with cultural and social ties that snapped eight decades (almost 78 years) ago.
It is worth noting that the 487km stretch of the East West Corridor project in Bihar passing through this bridge begins from Gopalganj, criss-crossing East Champaran, Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, Madhubani, Saharsa, Supaul, Araria and Purnea before making entry in Bengal.
On this pious occasion the praiseworthy remarks by Nitish Kumar must be mentioned. He said that the event should be celebrated like Holi, Diwali and Id.
This giant friend of the people will definitely be a milestone in the development of Bihar.
CHEERS!!!